State of Elections

William & Mary Law School | Election Law Society

The Issue of Issue 2

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By Anna Rhoads

In 2019, the village of Yellow Springs, Ohio, voted to make a small change. That year, Yellow Springs’ 3,800 residents voted on a referendum to allow the tiny minority of the village’s 170 foreign-born residents who were still noncitizens to vote for local offices. The referendum passed with fifty-nine percent of the vote, setting off a chain reaction resulting in a new initiative to amend the state constitution that Ohioans will see on the ballot this November.           

Largely in response to the Yellow Springs referendum and its success, Republican Representatives Jay Edwards and Bill Seitz sponsored H.J.R. 4, a joint resolution to amend Section 1 of Article V, Section III of Article X, and Section III of Article XVIII of Ohio’s constitution. Sponsors introduced the joint resolution on May 17th, and by the end of the month, it passed in the House and came to the Ohio Senate as S.J.R. 6. By June, the joint resolution passed in the Senate, too, becoming ballot initiative Issue 2. Issue 2’s certified ballot language describes the measure as amending the state constitution “to prohibit local government from allowing non-electors to vote.” In practical terms, these amendments would prevent local governments from allowing noncitizens who are legal permanent residents in Ohio to vote in local elections. 

Issue 2’s proponents include Republican lawmakers. The initiative’s supporters argue that the proposed amendments would proactively ensure the clarity of election law in Ohio. Supporters see the initiative as a preventative measure that would avoid policies that have passed in cities in Left-leaning states, like in New York where recent measures allowed noncitizen legal permanent residents to vote locally. They contend that although Ohio and federal law prevent noncitizens from voting, there is a risk that localities will be able to allow noncitizens to vote locally, using the state constitution’s “home rule,” which gives localities ultimate control over local affairs. Supporters, including Ohio Secretary of State Frank LaRose, note that letting noncitizens vote locally could increase administrative burdens. More fundamentally, the initiative’s proponents view American elections as solely for American citizens and believe that allowing noncitizen residents to participate even locally would undermine fundamental American values.

However, Issue 2’s opponents, including the Ohio ACLU, Yellow Springs officials, Ohio’s Democratic lawmakers, and the Ohio Environmental Council Action Fund, take issue with the initiative for several reasons. Issue 2’s opponents note that federal and Ohio law already make citizenship a prerequisite to being eligible to vote and that home rule does not give localities carte blanche to draft laws in conflict with federal and Ohio law. In fact, although Yellow Springs voted to allow noncitizens to vote in local elections, citing home rule as allowing them to make this change, no noncitizens have voted in Yellow Springs (or any other Ohio locality, for that matter) because Secretary LaRose “ordered officials to table the measure.” Secretary LaRose has sent criminal referrals to noncitizens who have allegedly registered to vote, and noncitizens who fail to cancel their registration after a second notice can face felony charges. As such, opponents argue that the initiative is unnecessary and does not serve the prophylactic purposes Republican lawmakers claim. Opponents argue that instead, Republican lawmakers are using the initiative to signal to “Replacement Theory” and “Big Lie” adherents that their violently xenophobic views have merit. As such, opponents view the initiative as a purely political move that “can only add fuel to the wave of fanatical xenophobia.” Opponents argue that this political move is also designed to gin up a wave of Republican voter turnout in November when a United States Senate seat, all five statewide offices, the General Assembly, and control of the Ohio Supreme Court will be up for grabs. Additionally, Issue 2’s opponents say that the initiative’s amendments will change the state constitution’s provisions from a grant of voting rights to a restriction on voting rights. Thus, the initiative stealthily threatens the General Assembly’s power to liberalize voter registration requirements by permitting those who have registered less than thirty days before an election to vote as well as current laws allowing seventeen-year-olds to vote in primaries if they will be eighteen by the general election.

Changing Ohio’s voting laws has been a project of Ohio’s Republican lawmakers since 2020, and Issue 2 continues this trend. However, with measures to allow noncitizen residents to vote locally proving popular in other statesand some of Ohio’s cities, Republicans may need more than a Red wave in November to pass this initiative.

Opinion: Wyoming Secretary of State Nominee Chuck Gray Wants Residents to Cowboy Up and Vote in Person

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By Hunter Hoffler

Wyoming Republican Chuck Gray, the recent nominee for Wyoming Secretary of State, claims he intends to make significant changes when he arrives in the State’s capital of Cheyenne. Like many Trump-backed candidates, Gray believes the 2020 presidential election was a fraud and fears his State is rife with voter fraud as well.

Gray ran on the promise that he would curtail voter fraud despite only three convicted cases of voter fraud in Wyoming since the year 2000. To combat this issue, Gray has openly stated that he wants to ban ballot drop boxes in his State, instead opting for the traditional practice of collecting “all paper ballots.” The presumed Secretary-elect would prefer in-person, paper-ballot voting. In Gray’s words, “The fact that a few counties have moved off of paper ballots . . . is really wrong.”

Despite a heavily Republican constituency in Wyoming, Gray asserts that local elections can still become compromised through nefarious ballot collection practices. As a result, Gray’s campaign for Wyoming Secretary of State fixated on improving election integrity and demonstrating the likely impacts of voter fraud. Hoping to impact his constituency, Gray repeatedly aired the controversial and critically ridiculed documentary “2000 Mules” by Dinesh D’Souza at his campaign stops.

The question remains: what authority will Gray have to implement his election integrity agenda? While in the state legislature, Gray also campaigned on, and promulgated bills to, improve election integrity. In 2021, Gray and his colleagues passed Wyoming’s Voter ID Law, which required residents to possess a valid state or federal form of identification to vote in person. Fortunately for those who oppose Gray’s agenda as Secretary of State, he alone will not be able to implement radical change to Wyoming’s voting procedures. In fact, within the scope of voting and voter registration, the Wyoming Secretary of State’s duties are relegated mainly to the administration and oversight of elections. In other words, to implement sweeping changes to the way Wyoming residents can vote, Gray will need to go through the State’s legislature and adhere to federal voting regulations.

The more immediate concern (should Gray be sworn in as Wyoming’s Secretary of State) is staff turnover in the Secretary of State’s office, particularly amongst those experienced in administering elections. Reducing the collective experience of the group administering elections could lead to trouble in upcoming state and federal election cycles should a hitch in the process occur. To date, one official has vacated her position based on concerns over Gray’s views.

The nation’s voters are broadly divided along party lines regarding the ratification of election security legislation – which is generally a priority of registered Republicans – or election openness legislation – which is usually a priority of registered Democrats. However, Wyoming legislators on both sides of the aisle are concerned enough with Gray’s positions on the 2020 Presidential election and Wyoming election security to propose legislation that would strip his soon-to-be office of its duties to oversee elections.

Opponents of Gray’s proposals fear that the growing number of local and federal candidates running on platforms of election insecurity may spread fear that the election process is flawed. Mistrust in the election system may, in turn, lead to uncertainty, harassment, and lack of participation at the polls.

What is clear is that there should be a bipartisan coalition that works to ensure elections are safe for the people of Wyoming. What remains to be seen is whether Chuck Gray and his principles will be part of that conversation.

Accessibility vs. Security: Online Voting in Puerto Rico

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By Shannon Schmidt

While the United States’ partisan battle between election accessibility and election security continues to rage, one US territory has quietly set in motion a plan that places the latter at risk to the benefit of the former.

In the spring of 2020, the Senate of Puerto Rico passed Senate Project 1314, a bill that would reform the territory’s electoral code. The bill contained an online voting plan which would call for the Puerto Rico State Commission on Elections to create an internet voting program accessible to all Puerto Rican voters by the 2024 gubernatorial election. Under the plan, Puerto Rico’s election commission would later be called to consider implementing exclusively-online voting in 2028. In response to this plan, groups like the ACLU, the Brennan Center, and Verified Voting urged then-governor of Puerto Rico Wanda Vázquez Garced to veto the bill.

According to these groups, internet voting cannot be accomplished securely. In a letter to the governor, members of Verified Voting–a nonpartisan collective of computer scientists and cybersecurity experts–described internet voting as the most vulnerable method of voting. The letter listed the types of attacks that would pose credible threats to internet voting, such as voter authentication attacks, malware on voters’ devices, server penetration attacks, and spoofing attacks. It also highlighted that the prevalence of these attacks could not be reliably detected. Even an online voting system that seemed to be working as intended could be subject to interference from undetected cyber-attacks.

Nevertheless, in June of 2020 Governor Wanda Vázquez Garced signed the new version of the electoral code into law, thus setting in motion the election commission’s task to create an internet voting plan. If the plan is successful, the Puerto Rican vote will be 100% online-cast by 2028.

Puerto Rico was not the first jurisdiction in the United States to adopt an online voting system, but its plan may be the most ambitious. In an article from 2020, Politico’s Eric Geller lays out three basic ‘flavors’ of internet voting that have permeated United States elections: electronic delivery, where voters receive a digital copy of a blank ballot by either email or download; electronic ballot marking, where voters can fill out their ballot over their personal electronic device, but must still mail it in or cast it in person; and electronic ballot return, where voters return their completed ballot online. As of 2020, three states–West Virginia, New Jersey, and Delaware–had adopted fully-electronic ballot completion and return for certain voters, including voters with disabilities. In their report “Email and Internet Voting: The Overlooked Threat to Election Security,” watchdog group Common Cause and several other advocacy organizations highlighted military voters as a demographic that has become routinely subject to fully-online voting. Even so, voters within this demographic are only subjected to online voting for as long as they are deployed overseas.

By 2028, Puerto Ricans could be the only constituency in the United States for whom voting online is the only option. And this reality may only implicate the election of Puerto Rico’s territory-wide leadership in the short-term; if Puerto Rico gains statehood by 2028, at least about 4,083,332 voters would receive and cast their votes in the 2028 U.S. presidential election fully electronically.

Proponents of online voting, like West Virginia Secretary of State Mac Warner, believe that online voting is a useful tool for specialty groups–such as service members and people with disabilities–who have been disenfranchised by alternative systems. Similarly, could Puerto Rican voters benefit from these systems in light of their unique obstacles to voting?

In 2017, Puerto Rico’s electorate was reduced after thousands of Puerto Ricans moved to the mainland (especially south and central Florida) following the devastation of Hurricane Maria. In the 2020 primaries, Puerto Ricans faced such long lines at the polls that polling locations were forced to remain open past their official closing times. Even worse, some voters who did reach the polls in 2020 were unable to cast their vote after paper ballots failed to reach voting precincts, further damaging Puerto Ricans’ faith in their electoral system.

Online voting would likely make voting easier and more accessible to many Puerto Ricans. However, voters’ access to online voting raises several logistical concerns specific to the Puerto Rican landscape. For example, approximately 35.7% of households in Puerto Rico do not have computers with access to broadband internet. Ongoing problems with Puerto Rico’s electricity grid, paired with the island’s vulnerability to natural disaster, could prevent Puerto Ricans from casting their vote in the aftermath of utility-disruptive events like hurricanes and tropical storms. Still, online voting would likely extend the window within which Puerto Ricans could cast their votes, and its implementation would not preclude the continued installation of polling locations for voters without home-access to the internet.

But heightened accessibility alone may not justify the security threats to online voting. By 2028, Puerto Rico could demonstrate the success of online voting in several ways; for example, general voter turnout and turnout among historically-disenfranchised groups may have significantly increased. But while the successes of online voting may be clear and demonstrable, its failures could still lurk beneath the surface, undetected.

Is the Montana Disclose Act in the Supreme Court’s Crosshairs?

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By Lucas Della Ventura

From George Washington’s warnings of the danger of corruption to “drain the swamp,” the influence of large sums of money in the pockets of politicians and their campaigns have concerned Americans throughout the nation’s history. In Citizens United v. FEC, the Court breathed life into Thomas Jefferson’s forewarning that the judiciary would enable corruption: “The engine of consolidation will be the federal judiciary; the two other branches the corrupting and corrupted instruments.” With the removal of limitations on corporate “independent” expenditures, the Court tied the state governments’ hands in enacting and enforcing state laws restricting campaign contributions. The modern era of unlimited corporate campaign spending was birthed, seeing a 900% increase in campaign spending by corporations and other outside groups. From 2010 to 2018, Super PACs, also offspring of Citizens United, are estimated to have spent $2.9 billion on federal elections. According to OpenSecrets.org, the leading website that tracks money in politics, so-called “dark money” groups (organizations that spend money from undisclosed sources) have spent roughly $1 billion — mainly on television and online ads and mailers — since Citizens United was decided.

Although the Court in Citizens United struck down limitations on “independent” expenditures, all of the Justices, save Thomas, approved of strong disclosure regulations. Justice Kennedy stated, “The First Amendment protects political speech; and disclosure permits citizens and shareholders to react to the speech of corporate entities in a proper way. This transparency enables the electorate to make informed decisions and give proper weight to different speakers and messages.”  In reaction to Citizens United and the flood of corporate and dark money entering into not only presidential elections, but also local elections, states like Montana, enacted comprehensive disclosure regimes. These state disclosure regimes have remained largely unscathed in the election law context, but not in others. The Supreme Court recently struck down a California regulation that required charities known for their conservative political activism and campaign financing, to disclose to the California Attorney General’s Office IRS forms containing the names and addresses of their major donors. Notwithstanding that the case focused on a state’s governmental interests in investigating charitable misconduct and the state’s lack of narrow tailoring, the decision put on alert states like Montana that have strong campaign finance disclosure regimes. 

Montana, the frontier state heralding the motto “Oro y Plata” (Spanish for gold and silver), sees itself at the frontier of legal challenges seeking to reshape how the wealth of the nation is treated by campaign finance and disclosure regimes across the country. Since 2015, the Montana Disclose Act has withstood several such tests.  In 2018, Montanans for Community Development v. Mangan, Montanans for Community Development (MCD), a 501(c)(4) that sought to send electioneering communications (issue advertisements, also known as “mailers”) refused to disclose its donors in accordance with Montana law. MCD’s two mailers at issue attacked environmentalists and encouraged fossil fuel industry promotion, mentioning candidates in upcoming Montana elections. The 9th Circuit upheld the district court’s finding that the disclosure requirements survive exacting scrutiny by serving a sufficiently important informational interest and being substantially related to the state’s interest.

The 9th Circuit elaborated on its stance regarding disclosure laws in NAGR v. Mangan, another challenge to Montana’s state disclosure requirements. The court cited to Citizens United in championing the information enhancing role disclosure laws play by stating, “The right of citizens to inquire, to hear, to speak, and to use information to reach consensus is a precondition to enlightened self-government and a necessary means to protect it.” The court added, “Far from restricting speech, electioneering disclosure requirements reinforce democratic decision making by ensuring that voters have access to information about the speakers competing for their attention and attempting to win their support.”

Even though the U.S. Supreme Court denied cert in both Montana cases, the Supreme Court’s lurch to the right and recent decision in AFP v. Bonta may spell danger to state efforts to achieve transparency in elections and protect the compelling informational interests provided by electioneering disclosures.

Once Thought Secure, Utah Implements Further Election Security

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By Anonymous

Not many things in the world are monitored 24 hours a day, 7 days a week. Bank vaults, hospitals, and military installations are the few that come to mind. However, in this Fall’s midterm elections, Utah’s ballot boxes will be as well.

24/7 video surveillance of unattended ballot boxes are among the several measures Utah’s state legislature has approved as a part of H.B. 313 to secure the state of Utah’s elections prior to the impending 2022 midterms.

House Bill 313, passed in the most recent general session, includes a bevy of changes for Utah voters. Voters are now required to provide proof of identity before voting if they did not provide proof of identification when they registered to vote. Utah is one of eight states that are “all-mail”–they conduct all elections by mail. In 2020, 94% of Utah voters voted by mail. Utah is the only Republican-leaning state that allows all elections to be conducted by mail. Because of H.B. 313, many of these voters will now need to submit a copy of their Utah drivers license or identification.

The legislation, primarily released by Republican Rep. Jon Hawkins, also requires a yearly audit of the voter registration database, limits who may access the election equipment, and reiterates requirements that election equipment may never be connected to the internet. The bill would also require the lieutenant governor to develop requirements for Utah election officials regarding the handling and documentation of “custody” for ballots.

Utah’s legislature passed these increased security measures despite voter fraud being an incredibly rare occurrence in Utah. According to The Heritage Foundation, a conservative think tank, Utah has only had one case of documented voter fraud—in 2008. Utah has allowed voting by mail since 2004. The most common reason ballots are rejected, in fact, do not come from nefarious parties, but instead, from simple mistakes, such as signature issues or unsigned affidavits. Sources have even found that, often times, fraud in Utah may stem from the parents of Latter-day Saints whose children are away on missions.

Despite the security of Utah’s elections prior to the 2020 election and the staggering popularity of voting by mail, the state has been swept up in election misinformation perpetuated by former President Donald Trump’s false claims that the 2020 Presidential Election was fraudulent.

Utah’s state legislature considered 35 proposals in 2022’s general session regarding its election practices—including H.B. 371, which would have removed ballot drop boxes and removed voting by mail as Utah’s primary voting method. The legislation, sponsored by Rep. Phil Lyman failed in committee. While Rep. Lyman alleged voter fraud when speaking in support of H.B. 371, he was unable to produce any evidence of his allegations.

Utah’s Governor and Lieutenant Governor, Spencer Cox and Deidre Henderson, both Republicans, have repeatedly defended the security of Utah’s elections and denounced allegations to the contrary as “absolute falsehoods [that] run counter to Utah law and the foundation of our constitutional republic.”

County Clerks have expressed frustration with H.B. 313’s new requirements. Sherrie Swenson, Salt Lake County’s Clerk, said that the constant surveillance represented an intrusion of privacy, and the new mandate regarding voter identification left her office scrambling to collect the required information from voters.  

The security of Utah’s vote is not the only concern in 2022–election officials said that voters will see armed police officers patrolling election sites in response to a recent increase in political tensions and threats towards election workers.