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One party state: The closing of Idaho’s Republican primary

Election Law Society · April 5, 2012 ·

by Nathan Pittman

Recently, Idaho Democrats reaffirmed their commitment to an open primary, which allows any elector to choose that party’s ballot (and only that party’s ballot) in the primary election. Any voter in Idaho may choose to participate in the Democratic Party’s primary. This means that Democrats and unaffiliateds may vote in the primary, because a Republican choosing to vote in the Democratic primary would forego their right to participate in the Republican primary under Idaho law. The Democratic Party’s commitment to an open primary is significant, because it means that Idaho has both a closed and an open primary.

The transition to this semi-open primary system has been rocky in the Gem State. It began in 2008 with a coup in the Idaho Republican Party. A plank was included in the platform that called for primaries to be closed. A closed primary, however, would require changes to Idaho law, which up until this summer had no provision for recording partisan registration. In order to force the state to make this change, the Idaho Republican Party sued the Republican Secretary of State, arguing that Idaho’s open primary laws violated the Constitution in an as-applied challenge.

In March of 2011 U.S. District Judge B. Lynn Winmill concluded that the Idaho open primary law violated the First Amendment right of association that the Idaho Republican Party enjoyed. Judge Winmill relied on the Supreme Court’s decision in California Democratic Party v. Jones, which held that blanket primaries, where individuals could vote in any primary election across party lines, were an unconstitutional infringement on the associational rights of political parties. The Court reasoned that a political party would be unable to effectively convey its message if that message was in part controlled by individuals not affiliated with the party.

What is remarkable about Judge Winmill’s decision is how low the standard is for a plaintiff to show that their associational rights are being infringed. Judge Winmill relied on expert testimony to show that there was a roughly ten percent rate of crossover voting in Republican primaries. Judge Winmill acknowledged that these rates were lower than faced by the Court in Jones, but held that even lower rates of crossover voting would trigger grave Constitutional concerns. It is difficult to imagine, given Judge Winmill’s reasoning, any instance where a state could show that an open primary law could be considered constitutional in the face of a political party’s resistance to opening its nominating procedure. The Fourth Circuit seemed to agree with Judge Winmill when, in 2007, it struck down a similar open primary law in Virginia.

While the defendants in the Idaho case did not advance much in the way of a state interest that would provide a compelling justification for its open primary law, one of the interests advanced in Virginia has particular relevance for Idaho. The Fourth Circuit rejected an argument by the state that its open primary law was justified on the grounds that, in many instances, the primary was tantamount to the general election. The experts that Judge Winmill relied upon concluded that Idaho is the most single party state in the country, and that “voters do likely cross over; they have to in order to have any meaningful influence in elections and express their sincere preferences with regard to their own representation.”

In response to this decision, Idaho recently changed its primary election laws. The new law, which will govern this year’s elections, requires an elector wishing to vote in a partisan primary be registered with that party. Beginning this year, electors will register as members of a party. If an affiliated elector wishes to change affiliation, they must notify the Secretary of State by the last day that a candidate must file to run for the election. Unaffiliated voters may change affiliation on election day, though this is a commitment that will carry over to the next election. The law therefore makes it easy for unaffiliated voters to become affiliated, but makes it difficult for affiliated voters to switch their affiliation. The law builds in protections for affiliated voters who choose to vote in the Democratic primary, which allows unaffiliated voters to participate. If the unaffiliated elector chooses a partisan ballot when the party allows unaffiliateds to vote, then while the choice is noted they are not considered to be registered as a member of that party and may still quickly change their affiliation.

In a state like Idaho, a semi-open primary creates concerns. In no other state in the Union is a primary so closely tied to the general election. However, the Supreme Court, in the Jones and Tashjian cases, appears to have stripped states of the power to adjust primary processes to conditions within the state. It may be that Democratic complaints about growing radicalism among the Idaho GOP is just sour grapes, they have the misfortune of living in a state where the majority of people have rejected their party platform. But the fact remains that the only moderating influence on the Idaho GOP is the primary, because the Republican Party is assured dominance in the general. Judge Winmill, perhaps rightly, rejected the idea that growing radicalism could be a state interest that contravened the First Amendment. After all, it is the right of the Republican Party to be as radical as it wants, just as it is the right of voters to reject that Party if it is too radical for their tastes.

 

Nathan Pittman is a  third-year student at William and Mary Law. 

 

 

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Fashion Frenzy: Passive Electioneering and the Right to Vote

Election Law Society · April 4, 2012 ·

by Latisha Woodford

On Election Day, after you have rushed to the polls, how would you feel to be turned away because of your apparel? The regulation of voter apparel posed a real issue for residents in Pennsylvania. Residents of the state were prohibited from voting because they were wearing T-shirts endorsing candidates for office in the polling place. Subsequently, the electioneering battlegrounds were drawn, and the effects on the right to vote involved passive electioneering. Passive electioneering refers to the method of influencing voters by wearing campaign t-shirts or carrying pamphlets to the voting location.

Section 1220(c) of the Pennsylvania election code prohibits electioneering but the state law does not define the term. Subsequently, defining the scope of the term has been left to the individual interpretation of the County Boards of Elections. Local counties have interpreted the term differently. Many Pennsylvania counties, including Philadelphia and Allegheny, have long allowed voters to vote wearing clothing, stickers, and buttons endorsing candidates and there have been no disruptions or significant problems. These counties follow the recommendations of the Pennsylvania Department of State. In a memorandum  to the County Boards of Election the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania Department of State recommended that voters be allowed to electioneer by passive methods. The Department believes that as long as the voters take no additional steps to attempt to influence voters in the polling place the right of the franchise should not be denied.

The memorandum resulted in pending litigation. The result of the pending case, Kraft v. Harhut, should end the statewide debate. The American Civil Liberties Union of Pennsylvania  (ACLU) seeks to join the Commonwealth in challenging any effort to enforce a statewide dress code for voters. The ACLU does not endorse a narrow interpretation of the term electioneering. The ACLU opined that sustaining a narrow interpretation would implicate the First Amendment free speech rights. The primary concern of the ACLU is not to turn a registered voter away from the polls as well as the possibility of the rule to be applied in a discriminatory fashion. Nevertheless Lawrence County observes a narrow interpretation. The county will not allow passive electioneering and has turned away voters dressed in party endorsing apparel.

The argument for the implementation of a statewide dress code will rest heavily on the lower court’s interpretation of the state law. Lawrence County does not wish to make a distinction for lesser forms of electioneering. Also the pending lawsuit claims that allowing voters to wear partisan–affiliated clothing would affect the health and safety of voters. These arguments certainly may pass muster. The Supreme Court has historically held that restricting free speech at a polling place may be necessary to make sure voters may freely exercise a right to vote for the candidate of their choice. It is also well–established that the state has the right to protect voters from any confusion and undue influence within the polling place.

Whether party-endorsing apparel promotes an unsafe environment for voters remains unanswered. How the court will strike a balance remains questionable.

 

Latisha Woodford is a second-year student at William and Mary Law. 

Permalink: http://stateofelections.pages.wm.edu/?p=4302

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Total Recall: Great Movie, Dangerous Political Process

Election Law Society · April 2, 2012 ·

By Joe Figueroa 

Fresh off of a convincing 52-46 electoral victory, a young, dynamic politician has recently come under fire for the passage of a bill that he considers to be a hallmark of his legacy.

And it is not President Obama.

True, the parallels between Wisconsin Governor Scott Walker and the 44th President are noteworthy.  But unlike Mr. Obama, a quirky yet significant electoral procedure stands in the way of Governor Walker even completing his first term in office.

Following Wisconsin law, multiple public committees have been formed to gather the requisite number of voter signatures needed to hold a recall election of Governor Walker.  One of those committees has already submitted a signature petition that is estimated to have twice the amount of the 540,000 signatures needed to hold an election.

The Wisconsin Government Accountability Board has yet to verify the signatures or officially call an election.  But the day is coming.  If there are a sufficient number of valid signatures, a recall election will be held in May (if only one or two candidates file) or June (if more than two file). [Read more…] about Total Recall: Great Movie, Dangerous Political Process

News Brief: Arkansas struggles with money in judicial elections

Election Law Society · March 27, 2012 ·

Alli Handler

The consequences of the Citizens United decision have been felt across the country and have been widely reported, including by this blog. Some states are focusing specifically on the effect of unlimited campaign money on judicial elections, with advocates arguing that though money is not is not a true substitute for speech in any type of election, the differences between money and traditional speech are more pronounced in the judicial field.

One example of such a tactic is the recent effort in Arkansas to distinguish judicial elections from other democratic mechanisms. The Arkansas Bar Association’s Task Force on Judicial Election Reform has developed ways to reform judicial elections and to curb the corrosive effect of money on an elected judiciary. Justice Robert Brown, the Chairman of the Task Force, has warned of the danger in failing to distinguish the unique nature of judicial elections: “If they’re not different, it will indeed undermine the dignity and the respect for the courts.”

In early March, 2012, the Task Force delivered three reform ideas during a panel discussion at the Clinton Presidential Library. First, Arkansas may develop a response committee dedicated to publicly identifying false statements made in judicial races. Second, they may create a voter guide with factual information about all the candidates. Third, a non-profit may be formed to encourage candidates to run fair campaigns and to disavow any false statements made by third parties.

Critics charge that holding judicial elections to different standards than other races is dangerous because it would provide a slippery slope that would lead to an unconstitutional reduction in free speech. Moreover, critics say, all political elections should be conducted with integrity, making electoral distinctions between the branches irrelevant.

The problem (or advantage) of unlimited money in judicial elections is an issue debated across the country and will be specifically addressed on March 29, 2012 and William & Mary Law School during the annual Election Law Symposium.

Alli Handler is a first-year law student at William & Mary.

permalink: http://stateofelections.pages.wm.edu/2012/03/26/arkansas-struggles

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Fifth Annual Election Law Symposium at William & Mary

Election Law Society · March 23, 2012 ·

by Christina Sumpio

The Election Law Society and the Election Law Program at William & Mary Law School announce the Fifth Annual Election Law Symposium to take place on Thursday, March 29. Featuring prominent state supreme court judges, political consultants, and scholars, the symposium centers on the topic “Money in Judicial Elections,” and evaluates the changing dynamics of state judicial elections in the post-Citizens United landscape. The event, which is free and open to the public, begins at 3:15PM and will be held in Room 124.

Panelists scheduled to participate include the Hon. Brent Benjamin, Justice on the West Virginia Supreme Court since 2005; James Bopp, Jr., General Counsel for the James Madison Center for Free Speech, former speech writer for presidential candidate Mitt Romney, and chief architect of the controversial Supreme Court case Citizens United, as well as more than 60 election-related cases; the Hon. Thomas Phillips, retired Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Texas, current partner of the law firm Baker Botts, past President of the Conference of Chief Justices, and a member of the Carter-Baker Commission on Federal Election Reform; Bradley Smith, former Chairman of the Federal Election Commission, the Josiah H. Blackmore/Shirley M. Nault Professor of Law at Capital University Law School, and the Chairman of the Center for Competitive Politics; the Hon. Marsha Ternus, retired Chief Justice of the Iowa Supreme Court whose term expired after seventeen years of service after voters failed to retain her in the controversial 2010 retention election; and the Hon. Penny White, retired Tennessee Supreme Court Justice, and current Director of the Center for Advocacy and Dispute Resolution at the University of Tennessee College of Law. Lyle Denniston, renowned legal journalist and blogger who has reported on the Supreme Court of the United States for more than fifty years, will serve as moderator. He currently writes for the SCOTUSblog, which provides coverage and analysis of the Supreme Court. Denniston has also written for the Wall Street Journal, Boston Globe, and The American Lawyer.

“In the last decade, the massive influx of contributions by large donors, especially special interest groups, has changed the face of state judicial elections,” explained Election Law Society Co-President Anisa Somani ’13. “Our symposium draws together a panel of experts to discuss whether this radical evolution in judicial election expenditures should be regulated and whether money actually corrupts judicial independence,” noted Election Law Society Co-President Vladislava Soshkina ’13.

This annual event is possible with generous assistance from the William & Mary Institute of Bill of Rights Law and the National Center for State Courts.

Created in 2005 as a joint venture of the National Center for State Courts and the Law School, the Election Law Program seeks to provide practical assistance to state court judges in the United States who are called upon to resolve difficult election law disputes (see Program materials available at www.electionlawissues.org). The Election Law Society is the student organization created to generate interest in and educate students about this rapidly expanding and extremely important area of practice.

by Christina Sumpio

[Read more…] about Fifth Annual Election Law Symposium at William & Mary

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